We are reprinting Dr. Igor Rosenfeld's 2010 essay on Nazi incidents in Estonia.
ECHOES OF THE SWASTIKA:
RIGHT WING AND NAZI EPISODES IN ESTONIA, 1991-2010
By Dr. Igor Rosenfeld
Re-posted May 23, 2019
Since its achievement of independence in 1991, few have questioned that Estonia, a NATO member, is a democratically-oriented country as well as an excellent place to do business. But is there a small worm in the apple whose growth needs to be watched?
Because right and left wing can have different goals and meanings in different countries, it is not sufficient to simply point out that right and center-right parties have occupied the seats of power in Estonia since 1992. What is troubling, however, is the emergence under their rule, of so-called “Nazi episodes.” Showing solidarity with the Third Reich and its collaborators, two political parties have already drawn fire from Estonia’s NATO colleagues and have tarnished Estonia‘s reputation. One of these parties, is the Fatherland, whose current leader, distinguished writer Mart Laar, served as Estonia’s prime minister from August 1992, to 2003.
In 2005 the Fatherland Party formed an alliance with the right-center Reform Party, whose leading politician, Ansip Andrus, has been Estonia’s Prime Minister since 2005. During WWII some Estonians, like the Finns, fought on the side of Germany against the Red Army. The inglorious choice to fight with Scylla rather than Charybdis might have been forgiven with time. After all, the Soviet army occupied Estonia and the Western allies were far away. But the Fatherland party decided in August 1992, to do more than just forget. They paid homage to a Nazi military unit, the Estonian SS Legion by celebrating the Legion’s 50th anniversary. Active from 1942-44 during WWII, the legion had been trained in Poland and assigned to the 5th Panzer Division known as “Wiking.” Fighting the army in Estonia, the Ukraine and elsewhere, it later became the basis of the 20th Estonian, Volunteer SS Division. 1
Soon after the Nazi veteran gathering, Mart Laar’s Party, later known as the Fatherland-Republic Union, began to actively support the installation of monuments to the SS Legionnaires inscribed with glowing tributes. Moreover, there were further reunions of both the Legionnaires and Estonian Wehrmacht Veterans. The first was held in the summer of 1995 in Sinimae, the site of a major clash between the German and Soviet armies in 1944. Nazi veterans arrived from Norway and several other countries. Eventually these gatherings became regular reunions, opened and welcomed by some of the main ideologues of the Fatherland, including Trivimi Velliste, a member of the Estonian Rigiikogu [parliament].
Gathering of SS Veterans in Sinimae
The ongoing glorification of the Nazi eterans peaked in 2007 with clashes over the transfer of the famous Soviet Bronze Soldier statue from the Tomismagi Hill in Tallin. Amidst bloodshed and rioting, the statue was transferred to a Tallin military cemetery. The conflict underscored the fact that many Russians living in Estonia also want to memorialize their soldiers, while other citizens still resent the former Soviet occupation.
Typical of Mart Laar’s former administration was the reburial in Tallinn of one of the high chiefs of the Estonian Waffen SS Colonel Alfons Rebane. On June 26, 1999, Rebane’s remains were transferred from Augsburg (Germany) and buried in Tallinn’s Metsakalmistu cemetery at public expense, despite an organized picket protest. A state funeral was held, in which Johannes Kert, Commander of the Defense Force, participated. In addition to outcry from Russian parties and organizations, sharp protests against Rebane’s reburial were lodged by Estonian and Israeli officials, the Jewish community 2 and outgoing Israeli ambassador to the Baltics, Oded Ben-Hur. 3
The official reburial of Rebane launched a massive campaign by Laar and other Estonian right wing nationalists for the rehabilitation of what they now hailed as Estonia’s “freedom fighters.” This unusual term for the Nazi veterans would soon become a standard in the right-nationalist lexicon. A significant contributor to the process was Laar himself, the author of several books including Battle on the Heights and Sinimaed 1944 (in Estonian), as well as a photo album about the SS Legion (2008). The general concept behind Sinimaed 1944 was the magical transformation of former employees of the Third Reich and units like the 20th SS Division into “defenders of European civilization.”
Monument to the soldiers of the SS in Lihula and scandal around it, 2000-2005.
In July 2000 (2001?) commenced the three-year scandal surrounding the installation of a monument to the affen SS in the city of Lihula. A Museum of the Estonian SS Legion was organized in Parnu by a non-Profit association led by Leo Tammikasaar and his wife, Pille. 4 After its opening, a monument appeared in one of the city’s parks which depicted a soldier in the garb of the Estonian SS Legion with a gun aimed at the East. Erected on the initiative of the 20th SS Division and “local activists,” it bore the bas relief inscription, “To all Estonian soldiers who died in the war of liberation for their country and a free Europe in the years 1941-1945.”
Installation of the Nazi monument provoked the criticism of both the Parnu City government and the Estonian one. “Perpetuating the memory of the dead,” said an Estonian Cultural Ministry letter, “is necessary, but not in this way. The symbols and text of the monument are contrary to European values and may harm the reputation of Estonia.”5 Although he too was from the center-right, Jurhan Parts, Estonia’s then Prime Minister (2003-2005), agreed. “The law does not prohibit the establishment of a monument to compatriots,” he averred, “but it must not advocate criminal ideology.” 6 At the request of city authorities and the Parts government, the monument was dismantled in 2003 and shipped to a closed area of Urban Hall.
It wasn’t over. Soon after, the monument was resurrected again in Lihula, whose elders included Tiit Madisson, an organizer of the Estonian Rahvuslaste liit [Nationalist Union]. After an “examination” of the monument by Tartu University specialists, however, a new scandal arose; the controversy exploding in the press In early September 2004, the monument was once more withdrawn, an action strongly criticized by right wing groups. In particular Mr. Madisson railed about the “lackeys of politicians” who dismantled the monument for those who fought Bolshevik aggression “on the orders of Moscow, Washington and the Jewish Congress.” 7
Not only marginal nationalists on the right like Tiit Madisson, but official right-wing functionaries such as Eerik Niyles Kross, tried to protect the Lihula monument and subsequent memorials for the 20 SS Division. According to Kross, Estonians in the Nazi Wehrmacht in 1944 fought “for the independence of Estonia, for the restoration of the Republic of Estonia.” In his opinion, “The protection of Estonia in 1944 (achieved also by those in the SS uniform) is “one of the main issues of identification for the Estonian Republic.” So Wehrmacht and SS monuments, in his view, appear to be “a symbol of Estonian independence.”8
Mr. Kross is the man who, according to the Estonian press, “shot at the photos of former Prime Minister Edgar Savisaar, repaired his house on public money and brought to Estonia international swindler Antonio Angotti.” At the same time, Kross was a former coordinator of Intelligence and helped Estonia enter NATO. In 2008, Estonian President Toomis H. Ives, awarded Kross the Order of the White Star III class. 9
“Why has the Lihula event so stirred the public?” asked Kross. “They are … chained to attention, not because the government acted like a fool but because, under the gun, it failed to respond adequately to a situation which turned out to be one of the main issues of identification for the Estonian Republic; confidence in the fact that in 1944 Estonians fought for the restoration of the Republic of Estonia and to protect the independence Estonia.” 10
Once again, the siren song of Estonian Nazis as “freedom fighters!” Indeed, Kross’s thesis reminds one of the Hitlerian axiom that the believability of a lie marches in tandem with its absurdity. The Third Reich and its leaders never promised the independence of Lithuania. Under Hitler’s Germany, Estonia could have only been a province of the Third Reich.
An important response to the Lihula incident was offered by U.S. Ambassador to Estonia Aldona Wos. In an interview to the Postimees paper at the end of January 2005, Wos stated that although the installation of the monument in Lihula is the business of Estonia and not the American government, “it was offensive to the international and Estonian community.” “In this,” he added, “our view coincides with that of the Estonian government.”11 Not quite. The Estonian people, yes. Not their government. Moreover, the troubling fact is that officials of some Western governments have been more loyal to the pro-Nazi, right-wing parties in Estonia than to the parties really at the political center.
Criticism of Estonia’s pro Nazi parties by Human Rights Organizations (2006-2009).
Manipulations by Estonian right-wing forces involving figures of the Third Reich have been criticized by organizations investigating Nazi war crimes. From 2005-2006, the Simon Wiesenthal Center in Jerusalem accused authorities in Estonia of an unwillingness to enforce war crimes laws against two former Gestapo employeesMikhail Gorshkov and Harry Myannil. 12 The Center also published its 2006 annual report on the willingness of various countries to investigate and prosecute Nazi war crimes. Countries were grouped into five categories, “A” to “F”. Sadly, Estonia was classified as “D,” a country “with little desire for cooperation. The “F” category was reserved for states whose efforts to investigate and prosecute Nazi war criminals had failed completely. 13
The Wiesenthal Foundation also criticized the transfer of the Bronze Soldier monument by the Estonian authorities as well as the Estonian war game known as “Erna.” But its censure of the game, which memorialized the 1941 landing of Nazi troops in Estonia, only bolstered the nationalist-patriotic rhetoric of the right. For example, Heikki Suurkask, the editor of a major Estonian newspaper, Eesti Paevaleht, accused the Foundation of warring against the “Estonian constitutional state” and “Estonian ideology.” In his article, “Zuroff’s War Against Estonia,” he threatened that the Foundation’s continued criticism of the Nazi manifestations in Estonia might incur the “deterioration of relations between Estonians and Jews. Criticizing the Bronze Soldier uproar, he asserted that the Foundation had paid scant attention to criticism of Stalin.
Recognizing the iniquities of the Nazi regime, Suurkaask nevertheless reduces the number of victims of the Nazi occupation in Estonia to 1000 and compares it to the “400”who suffered under Stalin. In the 1940‘s, German and other right wing nationalists destroyed many European peoples including far more than 1,000 Jews from Estonia and other countries in Eastern Europe. There were twenty death camps in Estonia, and how many prisoners they contained no one knows. According to Elhoen Saks, a member of the Estonian Jewish community, “German rail documents show that at least 20,000 Jews were brought into Estonia.” 14 They were destroyed not only by the German Nazis, but first and foremost by Estonian collaborators with the Third Reich, such as J. Uluots, H. Mae, Wehrmacht and SS employees - the ideological predecessors of Mart Laar, Velliste et al. If the Soviet Army, supported by the Western Allies, had not ended the repressions of the Uluots regime, the number of victims would surely have been greater.
The Battle at Sinimae as “the Second War of Liberation"
After the institution of the Lihula monument right-national forces erected monuments to the SS soldiers in other parts of Estonia. One of the most famous became the monument on the heights of Sinimae [Blue Hills], where in 944 there was heavy fighting between a 20 SS Division and the Red Army. Establishment of this monument was preceded by an ideological campaign. In 2002, well known representatives of the Fatherland Party, Tirvimi Velliste and Mart Laar, projected the concept of the 20 SS Divisions battles including the Battle of Sinimae as a ‘second war of liberation.”
In 2004, in celebration of the 60th anniversary of the Sinimae Battle, the Waffen SS fight against the Red Army was equated by Mr. Velliste to the Liberation war of 1918. 15 Meanwhile, in Mart Laar’s book,Sinimaed, the actions of the 20 SS division against the Red Army in 1944 became “the struggle for freedom and “for the Estonian state.”16
The same year, Estonian Defense Minister Margus Hanson, a member of the Estonian Riigikogu [parliament] from the Reform Party, not only declared that the budget of his department had provided funds for the commemorative event in inimae and elsewhere, but stated that “The brutal and bloody defensive battles in Sinimae, and other regions of Estonia, fought by those who have produced the present generation, have given them the opportunity to enter the free world.”17 Question; Was joining the free world really not possible for Estonia without the Waffen SS? Are these organizations really the “flesh of the free world” as suggested by Hansen, Laar and Velliste?
The Right’s national concept of the fighting in Sinimae has been criticized by some Estonian historians, in particular Tallin University professor Rein Ruutsoo. The Sinimae battle, Dr. Ruutsoo explains, was not a “small war of liberation” but “a political adventure.” Paraphrasing his view, in the summer of 1943 it was clear to the German General Staff that the war was lost. To achieve the battalion’s departure from Sinimae, it needed to cover the its departure through Estonian ports. Estonian soldiers were mobilized for that purpose. It was a cynical gamble which pitted Estonia against not only Stalin’s Russia, but also the Western allies. The country soon paid the price of having its soldiers serving as military drudges for the Germans.18 Tallin, Narva and other Estonian cities were destroyed.
Ruutsoo’s arguments were buttressed by other supporter who soundly rejected Mart Laar’s thesis that the Estonian Nazi fighters were involved in the “protection of the Estonian Republic.” Nevertheless, right wing propaganda and symbolic action in support of Estonia‘s “freedom Fighters” continued with the active support of the Fatherland Party, once again victorious in the 2007 elections.
In 2004, the right also implemented a new concept of VE day in WWII. Whereas the Soviet concept of victory was achieved in May 1945, the right wing concept, in a vivid example of right-national absurdity, moved the date up to September 2. That was when their own victory celebration was held on the Masgjamagi Hill in Tallin. According to press reports, the celebrants of the new “Victory Day” were members of parliament and municipal authorities as well as members of the 20th Estonian SS Division and patriotic youth. 19
On July 16,2005 a gathering of Estonian and other veterans of the German Wehrmacht was held on Tartu song festival grounds. The event drew fifteen hundred participants from all over the world including the Baltic countries, Finland,Sweden and Canada. Press reports put the number of attendees at 2700. Presiding as speakers were Defense Minister Yyeryyt and Minister of Justice Rein Lang. The same month, on July 30th, Sinimae was host to a gathering of veterans from the 20th Estonian SS Division. 20
European Criticism of the Estonian Right-Wing Anti-Fascists
The monuments to the SS Legion drew sharp criticism from several EU countries and organizations. On July 29, 2006, two new monuments were opened in Sinimae dedicated to the Dutch and the Belgian Walloons, who fought in the 20th SS division in parts of Estonia. Based on the wreaths at the monument, the only Estonian political party represented was the Fatherland Union Party. Belgian and French organizations refused to participate in the opening ceremonies. The Chairman of the Action Committee of Belgian Forces in Great Britain, Robert Tabray, stated that, “such a demonstration, even if it occurs far from our borders, has a deplorable effect on everyone in our organization, which is fighting for the preservation of freedom and the memory of the Second World War.” 21
Michael Vandeborgt, General Secretary of the Council of Active Resistance and head of the Independence Front of the Belgian Guerilla Army, called the unveiling of a monument for these of soldiers “a shameful act” and “an outrageous affront to those who fought against the fascist forces of Nazi Germany and its collaborators…” 22 The Belgian ambassador to Estonia, Pierre Dyubisson, likewise condemned the memorialization of the Belgian SS Legionnaires, stating that in his country, they would be treated like criminals who must be punished. 23 Meanwhile, the monument remained covered with the state flag of the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
Pro-Nazi Incidents, 2007-2009
Active manipulation of the ideology and symbols of the Third Reich in Estonia continued from 2007 to 2008. Early in the summer of 2007, two “brown scandals” were withheld from the public by the Minister of Justice, Rein Lang, and Risto Tienonen, a native of Finland and a protégé of the Fatherland-Union Party.
In July 2007, Teinonen organized a h the 65th anniversary of the 1942 Wannasee Conference. This was the plenum where the Nazi leadership implemented the final plan for the extermination of the Jews. During the event, Teinonen, wearing a swastika armband, and the Estonian order of the Terra Mariana Cross Class V on his chest, posed for the camera cutting a cake decorated with a swastika. Tienonen holds honorary citizenship in Estonia by recommendation of the Fatherland-Union Party (Toivo Jurgenson) for his role in the development of the contemporary scout movement in Estonia. The office of President Ives said the issue of depriving Tienonen’s awards was under examination.
Another Nazi episode in July 2007 was associated with the birthday of Rein Lang, the Estonian Minister of Justice from the Reform Party. He celebrated his birthday with Nazi symbols and a show about the last days of Hitler. This action, like other pro-Nazi incidents, has been criticized both in Estonia and Europe. The Estonian People’s Union Party proposed to Lang that he should immediately and voluntarily leave his Ministry post. 24 So far, however, Lang is still in office. As reported by the RBC Daily, Klaus Hench, the former chairman of the European Parliament, said that Rein could not remain a minister in most EU countries. The open use of Nazi symbols has been prohibited in the EU since 2007. He believed attention should be paid to the matter. “EU sanctions will be applied which can lead even to expulsion from the European Union. 25
Mart Laar’s SS Album
In 2008, the Fatherland’s chairman, Mart Laar, provided a new contribution to Third Reich nostalgia. He published a new book on the Waffen SS, the album, The Estonian Legion in Words and Pictures, prepared by Grenader publishers. 26 A presentation of the book was held on June 12 in Tallin’s largest shopping center, Viru.
These publications did not prevent Laar from becoming the leader of the second Estonian party of the right-wing coalition, the Reform Party, even enjoying the claim of being the main substitute for Prime Minister Ansip. Meanwhile, in July 2008, Laar’s album caused a scandal on the German border. The album, full of Nazi symbols, was confiscated at the German-Polish border by German customs. It’s bearers, two Estonian citizens, were arrested. One of these was honorary “Estonian citizen” and neo-Nazi Risto Teinonen. 27 In November 2008 the case of Laar’s album and Tienonen’s arrest was considered by a Dresden court. 28
Laar’s party also distinguished itself in the national-patriotic field in January 2009. The Fatherland’s Eesti Eest [For Estonia] newspaper published a cartoon by the artist Agora (Gori) with the caption, “Stalin decided to take over Estonia, but the Estonian people did not agree with the desire of Jews to take over the world.”29 The publication, which triggered sharp criticism from the Jewish community, once again emphasized the apparent similarity between the ideology of the Fatherland Party with National Socialist ideology.
The Military Sabotage Game, "Erna"
From August 7-9, 2010, Estonia once more conducted the controversial “military sabotage” war game, “Erna,” first performed in 1993. The name and conception of the game is based on the route and activities of the Abwehr detachment in the rear of the Red Army during the summer of 1941. Only after 2007 has the right wing been more careful to speak of an “Estonian Intelligence group” which also involved soldiers of Finland’s Winter War. 30 The Erna 2010 game was joined by 27 teams, including nine foreign ones from Sweden, Finland, Germany, Denmark, Lithuania, etc. 31 The general concept of the game has clearly had no effect on Estonia’s entering NATO and the European Union. However, once again, it was strongly criticized by Efraim Zuroff, of the Wiesenthal Center. “After sharing in such games,” said Zuroff, “the European partners must turn away from Estonia and not only because Estonians are proud to remember their shameful past. The Estonian Department of Defense allocates money to the Erna game!” 32
Official right-national functionaries rejected Zuroff’s criticism. T. Velliste accused the Center of supporting “Putin’s propaganda and being ignorant of the history of the Baltic States. “Zuroff,” he maintained, “accuses Estonians in the war with the Reds.“ The task of the Erna soldiers, who came from Finland, not Germany was not intelligence actions in favor of the Third Reich, “but to resist the destruction of battalions and to protect the local population.” He added that the present campaign against Erna could only be regarded as “military actions against Estonia,” which cause concern not only in Estonia but in our allies.”33 Does this mean that our “allies” do not worry about manifestations of Nazism in Estonia but only criticism of these manifestations?”
Meanwhile, rising against the official concept of Erna are various Estonian historians, in particular the aforementioned Rein Ruutsoo. In his article, “Erna -- Politics and Propaganda,” he criticizes what he calls the new “patriotic mythology.” The Erna task, he counters, was not to defend villagers from “destruction battalions” as Velliste and others assert, but to support the advancement of German troops to Leningrad with Intelligence and sabotage. Erna information was important enough that it was regularly radioed to Finnish and Erna commanders, including the head of the Abwehr, Admiral Canaris.
Attacking Ruutoo for “a new crusade against Erna“ and “Russian propaganda,” Mart Laar was supported not only by Fatherland ideologists Trivimi Velliste and Tynis Lukas -- but by Estonian Prime Minister Andrus Ansip! Admitting that he had not read Ruutso’s article, Ansip stated, “But I have read other articles about Erna; for example, a very interesting article by Mart Laar.” 34
Referring to stories on the Erna website funded by the Ministry of Defense, Ruutsoo also pointed out that its official website gives the impression that Erna was purely a Finnish-Estonian project. But the labor contract Erna signed was with the Third Reich and was wholly funded by the German Abwehr. The main task of Erna was to supply information on the movement of Soviet troops; information needed by “Nord” military groups to seize and raze Leningrad. The raze failed, but the blockade cost the lives of hundreds of thousands of women and children. The role of the Erna men in this regard is undeniable. Erna team leader Henn Ants-Kurg was awarded the Iron Cross 2nd degree. Kurg continued service in the same Abwehr from 1941-43, then served in the Waffen-SS on the Eastern front along with many other Erna participants.
All these facts, comments Ruutsoo, were established and supported by President Lennart Meri in Estonia’s English language review of the history of the 1940-45 period. Yet they are completely missing on the Estonian Defense Ministry’s Erna website. “Why do we have two histories?” he asks. 35 However, none of this criticism has stopped the nationalist-right propaganda -- or the game itself. Erna was held again in 2010.
One can only note with regret that the post-Soviet history of Estonia from 1991 to 2010 has been witness to “pro-Nazi” episodes, including the establishment of monuments to the Third Reich’s SS Division, the reburial of a German officer, gatherings of Waffen SS veterans, and the glorification of these veterans as “freedom fighters.” But regret is not enough. Estonians must also acknowledge a direct link between these pro-Nazi episodes and the Fatherland and Reform Parties, the favorite of the right-wing political machine.
These episodes demonstrate the absurd contradictions of a party which projects itself as a champion of liberal democracy, but actually supports and cultivates in Estonia distinct elements of Nazi ideology. Meanwhile, the continued dominance of the right in Estonian politics seems to indicate an incredible lapse in public awareness. The Nazi episodes are not the actions of a political fringe, but of parties that have somehow become Estonia’s mainstream. Yet the prevalent attitude seems to be that this is a small problem and nothing to worry about. Applauding democracy, Estonians have perhaps not yet arrived at the long-cherished, Western concept of “eternal vigilance” as “the price of liberty.”
1 PM, 11.06.08. http://rus.postimeees.ee/150608 glavnaja/kultura/35842.php).
2 Torshina L. “No to Fascism,” Russian Telegraph. 06/26/1999. Statement by the Jewish Community. Est.
3 Postimees. 31.08.99.
4. (Postimees, 2 06 04, http://www.postimess.ee/020604/esileht/sisuudised/135938.php 5 Delfi, 29.03.2003.
6 Delfi, 29.03.2003, op cit, Delfi.30.07.03, http://rus.delfi/ee/daily/estonia/premer-protif-
7 Delfi, 4.09.05. http://www.delfi.ee/news/paevauudised/eesti/lihula-samba-korvaldamise-aastapaev.d?
8 Eesti Paevaleht.16.02.05. http://www.epl.ee.artikkel/285301
10 (EPL. 16.02.05. http://www.epl.ee/artikkel/285301.
11 Delfi.15.01.05.http://www.defi.ee/news/paevauudised/eesti/usa-suursaadik-lihula-sammas oil-
12 Eesti Paevelant, 3.02.2007.http://www.epl.ee/artikkel/398491.
13 Vesti., Delf.26.04.06, http://www.rus.delfi.ee/archive/article.php?id=12755774.
14 (Postimees, 25.01.05, http:www.postimees.ee/260105/esileht/siseuudised/156009.php.
15 Vesti.30.01.04.PM.02.02.2004. www.regnum.ru/news/211389.html
16 M. Laar, Sinimaed 1944. II Mailmasoja lahingud Kiirde Eestis, Tallinn, Varrak,2006.
19 TV.02.09.07. http://www.etv24.ee/indez.php?2587059 [Emphasis added].
20 Delfi,17.06.05. http://rus.delfi.ee/150608glavnaja/kultura/3584762.
22 Mol.Est, 18.08.06, http://www.moles.ee/06/Aug/18/2-1.php
23 Ohtuleht. 29.07.06. http://www.ohtuleht.ee.index.aspx?id+202638
Mol.est.18.08.06. http://www.moles.ee/06/Aug/18/2-1.php24 Delfi.28.08.07, http://rus.delfi.ee/archive/article.php?id=16785424
25 Hour (Latvia) 09.07.07.http://bronze-soldier.com/index.php?
26 Postimees, 11.06.08, http://rus.postimees.ee/150608/glavnadja/kultura/35843.php
27 (Delfi, 08.08.08.http://rus.delfi.ee/archive/article.php?id=19521705)
28 (Delfi, 20.11.08.http://rus.delfi.ee/archive/article.php?id=20395307)
29 (Eesti Paevaleht. 21.01.09.http://www.epl.ee/artikkel/455772)
30 Paevaleht, 13.07.07.http:www.epl.ee/artikkel/394579
31 Delfi, 06.06.10, http://www.delfi.ee/news/paevauudised/eesti/erna-retkest-votab-osa-27-voiskonda.d? =3182913
32 Hour (Latvia), 04.04.08.www.inosmi.ru/translation/242975.html
33 Delfi.10.08.07. http://delfi.ee/archive/article.php? id=16638530,
34 Delfi, 16.08.07, http://www.delfi.ee/archive/article. php?id=16692192)
35 Delfi.04;.04.08, http://www.delfi.ee/archive/article.php?id=19477594Type your paragraph here.